Air Quality Area Of Potential
New Concern To Cattle Feeders
By David Bowser
AMARILLO — Federal and state agencies are increasingly looking at
air quality with regard to cattle feeding operations, says a
researcher here.
While regulatory agencies appear to be looking mostly in California
and Arizona, Dr. Brent Auvermann with the Bushland experiment station
west of Amarillo says it may be an indication of what is to come.
Auvermann says a couple of key areas of the United States are the
San Joaquin Valley in California and Maricopa County in Arizona. Those
two regions are considered "non-attainment" areas. As a
result, the state air regulatory agencies are clamping down on all the
emitters.
"Agriculture is a key player in those areas," Auvermann
says.
Consequently, there is regulation of agriculture in the context of
air quality that has not been seen in the past.
"I would point out that up in the High Plains, non-attainment
status is not terribly likely," Auvermann says. "The San
Joaquin Valley is a big bowl. It doesn't take much to generate dust in
the San Joaquin Valley and make that bowl a non-attainment area."
Similar problems face parts of Arizona.
But because of the interest generated in these geographical
locations, other areas of the country may soon be facing closer
scrutiny, and the agricultural community is going to need to learn how
to deal with such scrutiny.
"We've been keeping our eyes on some of these
developments," Auvermann says.
The national air quality standards are enforced in part by a
national monitoring network, he says, and the monitors are set up in
major metropolitan areas, most of them in heavily populated areas.
"The reason they're located there is that those monitors
represent the air that lots more people breathe," Auvermann
points out.
Even though the monitoring is usually done around population
centers, the standards apply across the country.
"With the National Ambient Air Quality Standards,"
Auvermann says, "the monitors are in highly populated areas, but
the standards themselves apply to property, and we've got to face
that."
That includes at the property lines of the large feedyards found on
the High Plains.
"What that means is if for some reason someone were to
establish a monitor site at the property line of a cattle feedyard, it
would be fair game in attainment studies," Auvermann says.
Clean air can be considered a property right. Air that doesn't meet
the applicable standards at the property line is effectively harming
the neighbor's property.
"What we've effectively said is that the neighbor's property
is being used and appropriated to disperse the pollutant,"
Auvermann says. "If we don't apply the standard at the property
line, we're effectively asking the neighbors to shoulder the load of
dispersion. The neighbor's land then is effectively a 'taking' for
these air pollutants."
One of the regulatory challenges facing the High Plains, he says,
is the visibility issue and risk of accidents.
"We need to improve emission factors," Auvermann says,
"and we need to avoid letting judges and juries issue emission
factors by coming to conclusions that are not warranted by the
science."
Auvermann was involved in a recent review of literature documenting
human health effects from animal feeding operations emissions. The
researchers concentrated on what is known and what is not known.
"We didn't want to end up knowing things that just ain't
so," Auvermann says.
Human health effects generally concern people downwind suffering
because of agriculture production.
In a North Carolina study, they looked at two different groups of
people who lived near livestock feeding operations.
"The test group and the control group were demographically
similar," Auvermann says. "It was interesting to me to find
in the conclusions and the study interpretations that there were some
environmental justice implications discussed."
It does not seem fair to Auvermann, he says, for scientists to hold
forth on environmental justice issues when the two test groups were
demographically similar.
"I would urge the scientific community to avoid this," he
says. "Let's be accountable to one another to avoid
interpretations like that."
The North Carolina study was heavily loaded with emotional and
political values, he says.
"Moreover, they were not justified by the construct of the
study itself," Auvermann says.
The study's authors, however, did present their survey of the human
element.
The researchers took individual respondents within the community
and had them fill out a survey about their health status. They
presented their survey within the context of rural health. They said
nothing about livestock production.
"That's good," Auvermann says. "We're not biasing
our test group."
Another interesting and positive aspect of this study was that some
of the respondents did not notice odors from the livestock operation
when they were conducting the survey.
"Unfortunately, we don't have any environmental
exposure," Auvermann says. "I'm not talking about
environmental exposure during the administration of the survey. I'm
talking about environmental exposure data throughout the overall study
period, one or two years."
Without some idea of what these people were exposed to, he says,
there's really no justification for interpreting the human health
effect.
The North Carolina study is a mixed bag, he concludes.
In an Iowa study, Auvermann found some significant differences
between the test and control groups in health responses like
respiratory problems and headaches.
The researchers found little evidence to suggest that psychological
factors existed.
"That is to say," Auvermann says, " there was little
evidence to suggest that neighbors of animal feeding operations had
elevated levels of anxiety or depression."
While dust and ammonia tend to have synergistic effects on the
health of large animals, dust and ammonia may also have synergistic
effects on humans as well.
"I don't have any literature handy to justify that, but we
need to be thinking of plausible causality," Auvermann says.
"If it affects large animals, it is reasonable to suspect that we
ought to spend some time looking at it."
There are some differences in different species of livestock
operations, Auvermann acknowledges.
"There are probably some good scientific reasons for
that," he says.
Some livestock facilities handle their manure in solid form; others
handle it in water and runoff.
Feed composition and the feeding process also contribute to the
differences between feeding operations.
"The fact that urban particulate matter has been demonstrated
to result in human health effects is not an air-tight argument for
assuming that agriculture particulate matter will have the same
effect."
The composition is different. There are a lot of differences
between urban and agriculture particulate matter, he says.
Health authorities interested in these kinds of studies need to pay
close attention to some of the weaknesses of the research, Auvermann
says.
There is a lot of rhetoric, he warns, that people use to come to
agreement or disagreement or resolution of issues related to air,
water and soil.
Auvermann recently helped design a research study looking for
epidemiological evidence in human health effects from animal feeding
operations.
"Do local animal feeding operations impair local air quality
to the detriment of public health?" he asks.
It quickly became obvious that they were going to generate more
heat than light, Auvermann says.
There were two groups, he explains. The agriculture group was used
to conducting research that tries to minimize certain kinds of errors.
"We want to prove that something is so with a 95 percent
confidence before we're going to publish it," Auvermann says.
On the other hand, they had the public health authority whose
public mandate is to make sure as best they can that they identify
every possible risk to public health that might exist and take steps
to mitigate that risk.
"We had two completely different mandates," Auvermann
says. "One to try to avoid concluding something that's true when
there is a lot of uncertainty, but the other is trying to minimize the
risk to a population by trying to scope out every possible risk that
population might encounter."
They had two completely different approaches. One of them was
survey-oriented. The other was hypothesis-oriented. That resulted in
two mandated responses.
"In that case, what may be is more important than what
actually is," Auvermann says.
Once they finished their fact finding, there was an editorial
issue.
"Spin was an issue," Auvermann says. "What is the
consensus of the group? Well, we didn't have a consensus."
Each group was free to publish whatever it liked in the local
media, and it was not always received favorably by the other group.
In this case, Auvermann says, the null hypothesis was that there
was no difference in the respiratory health of groups that live close
to emissions from livestock facilities versus those who were not as
close.
"Simply stating the hypothesis that 'there is no effect'
raised the dander of those who believed that there is an effect,"
Auvermann says.
Even phrasing the hypothesis well within the constraints of the
scientific method ended up being a point of contention because the
hypothesis, even though it hadn't been tested, stood against the bias
of one group or the other.
Auvermann says scientists and engineers need to be humble about the
significance of what they do.
"Yes, good science is significant," Auvermann says,
"and, yes, it is indispensable, but at the end of the day, it is
not the only value that is brought to the table."
Science is well suited to provide a factual basis for negotiation
as a starting point, Auvermann says.
"We begin with observations and assumptions that we can
justify," he says. "We use time-honored principles of
logic."
But it is woefully inadequate, he cautions, as an arbiter of
community values.
"Having satisfied the scientific quest, we have still not
solved the problem," Auvermann says.
Scientists and engineers need to have a healthy attitude of
self-deprecation in regard to how significant science is.
"It's tempting for us," Auvermann says, "to say
'this is what the science says, ergo, policy should be this.'"
He says that doesn't come close to covering all the problems.
The Western Governors Association in 1998 put together a document
titled "Principles for Environmental Management in the
West".
"One of the key phrases in there was 'science for facts, but
process for priorities,'" Auvermann says. "In other words,
it doesn't matter how good the science is, if there's no good process
in place at the end of the day, you will be in the same place you
started."
They also tried to establish common ground and looked at national
standards and neighborhood solutions. They wanted to reward results,
not protests.
That seems reasonable," Auvermann says. "These are the
kinds of things that the Western Governors Association was able to
agree on."
A lot of things that seem reasonable, he says, need to be put down
on paper. A number of things need to be agreed to up front, he says,
rather than leaving them to the end and arguing about them.
"We need to establish a solid ground of facts," Auvermann
says.
There also needs to be an effort to see the problem from the point
of view of the person with whom someone disagrees.
"That takes a lot of guts," Auvermann points out.
Too often people demand to be understood before they are willing to
understand, he notes.
"We need to avoid putting constraints on problems so that, if
it satisfies me, it won't satisfy you," Auvermann says, "and
if it satisfies you, it won't satisfy me. We've got to be on the
lookout for the constraints that we are putting on the system that
force us into a zero sum game. We need to avoid that."
He warns about arguments that lack credibility.
"Agricultural producers are the original
environmentalists," he insists. "That's not an argument.
It's simply a statement. It may have been true at one point, but we
can't verify that, and we certainly can't verify that now. The way the
agricultural structure is changing, it is certainly an observation
that the more I listen to people with whom we may disagree, the more I
discover that this observation, this statement, is an argument of low
credibility. Yet, very frequently, I hear us hiding behind it as if
somehow a heritage or family identity was sufficient to justify taking
on the label of an environmental steward."
He says the right to claim to be an environmentalist is less a
matter of heritage and family identity than it is a business ethic
based on and demonstrative of stewardship principles.
Constructive rhetoric, he says, means mixing gutsy decisions on the
kinds of arguments used and the presuppositions brought to the table.
"It's about our willingness to stay in the room when the
temperature gets warm," Auvermann says.
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